malchior wrote: Thu Feb 24, 2022 12:58 am
Fireball wrote: Thu Feb 24, 2022 12:10 amAs the Republican brand toxifies itself against things like expertise, education, and rationality, it risks losing some of this edge if the suburban drift towards Democrats continues.
Sure if we have fair and free elections. Hopefully we will and long-term they'll get beaten back. Still the GOP is acting this way for a reason. They know they can't maintain their coalition acting this way.
Yes, ensuring free elections is essential. That's why I'm furious and Manchin and Sinema, but not Biden or Pelosi or Schumer, over the failure to pass the John Lewis Voting Rights Act. Our democracy is in a very fragile place, which terrifies me.
Democrats are also really misreading the room on some COVID policies. Voters broadly dislike COVID minimization by the GOP, and and less broadly think that Democrats go too far in COVID maximalism. The valence of those concerns changed fundamentally in 2021 though in two important ways: parents are done with school shut downs and there is widespread anger in a lot of suburban communities about how slow schools were to put kids back in classrooms (which isn't without merit, Europe never did the level of school shutdowns we did), and vaccinated people feel that they have done their part, and they elected Biden to get us back to "normalcy", and so just enough of them find maximalism more annoying than they now find minimization scary.
Mhm.
I knocked on more than 5,000 doors and talked to countless voters in Alexandria, Virginia, last year. I'm reporting what I heard, and what I've seen in polling from statewide Virginia campaigns. A huge swath of parents, in particular, were PISSED about virtual learning and school closures that went on for too long. It was a bind for Democratic candidates because the Democratic base was very concerned about reopening schools too soon, while the voters you needed to win in November wanted schools opened as soon as remotely possible.
Yup. I see some of this is just big tent stuff. The Democrat tent has been enlarged with refugees from GOP radicalization. I recognize that is a hard, way too wide path to walk policy wise as much as policy matters in this country.
That's really not it. I was mostly describing the fissures in Congress, which doesn't have anything to do with people who used to be Republicans now identifying as Democrats or Independents-Who-Vote-For-Democrats. Joe Manchin is a huge problem for us, structurally, on the centrist side. Certain far-left House members (not AOC) are a huge problem for us, politically, on the progressive side. Mainstream Democrats have problems on both wings of their coalition that either make it harder to win elections, or make it harder to pass legislation once you've won which makes it harder to win subsequent elections.
The problem is that the Democrats can't communicate with their base or the public and lose every goddamn important fight. In other words, people don't turn out for losers that can't get anything done.
Not a single one of Biden's problems at getting his legislative agenda through Congress could be fixed by being personally more persuasive or better at "communicating." The blockade to popular elements of Biden's agenda is entirely structural, and you can't Green Lantern your way past a blanket refusal by Joe Manchin or Kyrsten Sinema to create filibuster carve-outs.
Totally on board with this. I've argued this same point. But this isn't a comment that reflects just Biden. This is the bigger problem that the Democrats haven't effectively communicated a strategy that gets things done.
If Manchin and Sinema won't budge on creating carve outs on the filibuster, the only strategy there is to get progressive things done at the Federal level is the one reconciliation bill you get to pass each year. Manchin blew that up in December, but there's some hope of piecing parts of it back together.
They've largely failed to react to a overarching strategy that saw the Republicans build a movement that recognized the system as it exists.
The Republicans can only do two things when in office: appoint judges and change tax rates, because you don't need a supermajority in the Senate to do either. Biden has appointed more judges to the Federal bench than any president at this point in an Administration, so that goes both ways. But Democrats are much more oriented towards doing things, so the system that blocks doing things is harder for them to navigate. There's no "overarching strategy" that could be pursued right now to address that.
There are huge fissures inside the Republican coalition because of grassroots anger that the Republicans can't do some of the things on abortion, immigration, etc, that their base wants. It's less visible because the media pays far less attention to Republican in-fighting, but in many ways it is worse than what happens on the Democratic side. Anger at inability to get things they wanted done drove such heat that John Boehner left the Speakership. Fissures inside the GOP have forced Liz Cheney out of House leadership. The Republican caucus is far more splintered and divided than the Democratic caucus in Congress.
They set off to win local and state elections, build legislative pipelines and judicial reverse packing strategies, etc.
Republicans won a sweeping set of victories in 2010 that gave them significant advantages at the state and local level, enhanced by the fact that state elections draw lower turnout and less down ballot voting by core Democratic electorates. This was the culmination of a 40 year effort to turn lower-level elections to their favor. Democrats failed to respond to this in the 1970s, 80s, 90s and 00s, but there has been a vast restructuring of Democratic efforts to win local and state elections and build those same pipelines over the last 10 years. The 2020 election results were not helpful in that regard, and wiped out a lot of gains that had been made in 2016 and 2018, due to the pandemic and nationalized voting trends. This is a hard problem, made harder by the depletion of local media (and thus the nationalization of all news), and the fact that grassroots donors are, frankly, very bad tacticians and will pour millions of dollars into unwinable Congressional races against hated Republican incumbents instead of donating to down-ballot Democrats who could win if they had the resources. The McCain-Feingold campaign finance reforms, and the ways they gutted the ability of parties to channel money, has a compounding factor on this problem.
However, the work to do this is being done, and its making real progress. It's two-steps-forward-one-step-back, and will take time to bear fruit. If you care about this sort of thing, please donate to the DLCC and tell your friends to give to state legislature Democratic candidates, not whoever is running against McConnell, Marjorie Taylor Green, Lauren Boebert or Madison Cawthorn.
To the degree that the average American cares about "defund the police" they really, really, really oppose it. It's complete political poison.
Sure because it is idiotic messaging.
It's also bad policy. If you actually talk to everyday people, you'd find that there is real anger, particularly in African-American communities, about how few cases get solved by the police — fewer than in comparable democratic nations. We need to reinvest in actual police work, which means hiring more officers in many places, providing them better training (including all of the deescalation and anti-racism training sought by productive police reform advocates) and tools. We also need to take things off the back of police by funding more mental health and social workers who can address situations where you need to help, not arrest, someone.
There seems to be no message discipline at all and the media loves to play up the crazy outliers.
Neither party has great message discipline.
It's a long list in my head but a lot of Clinton people worked for the Obama administration and now are in the Biden administration.
High level Executive Branch jobs are complicated. It doesn't matter who the president is, their senior staff will be well-populated by the mid-level staff of the previous president of their party, and their mid-level staff will be comprised mostly of the entry-level staff of the previous president of their party, and their entry-level staff will likely have a lot of people from the Hill or their campaign. This is true for both parties. If Bernie Sanders or Elizabeth Warren had won the presidency, their polices and messaging tone would be fairly different from Biden's, but their key personnel would likely have the same backgrounds and previous Administration experience, even if they wouldn't be the exact same people.
Biden's Administration is full of stepped-up Obama Administration staffers because Biden's Administration is the direct successor to Obama's Administration. This is what Democratic primary voters wanted.
That was more of the basis there but it also factors in that the leadership of the Democratic party is pretty much all 70 and 80 year men and women.
Prediction: one year from today, the leader of the Democratic Caucus in the United States House of Representatives will be either 62 or 52 years old. The other members of the House leadership will almost certainly be two to three people who will be from a group of people who will be 61, 43, or 59.
For example, do we even have a Trump in power if Larry Summers didn't lay out the foundations for a too small stimulus package after the Great Recession.
You cannot lay Donald Trump at Larry Summers' feet. That's absurd. I agree that the Obama stimulus was too small, but it's also important to consider that the people who warned that going too large could spur a spike in inflation that would be a huge political problem and lead to the Federal Reserve taking steps that could provoke a double-dip recession that was deeper and even longer than what we ended up going through from 2008-12 might well have been right. We are presently facing a spike in inflation that is proving to be incredibly politically toxic to the president, and the risk that the Federal Reserve's corrective steps later this year could trigger a recession are very high.
It almost certainly led to widespread economic hardship.
It did. But my confidence that a go-much-much-bigger response wouldn't have led to similar, or more, levels of widespread economic hardship has been shaken by the events of the past year. Having been in elementary school the last time inflation was a real economic problem for our country, I think I was a bit blasé about its dangers. It could very well be that once an economic downturn has begun that the only way out is through, and neither measured-to-avoid-inflation nor damn-the-torpedos-and-risk-inflation approaches will have much impact on how voters perceive the harrowing path through the downturn.